Mainstream Media Coverage of Israel and Palestine
Philip Weiss
“Mainstream media coverage of Israel and Palestine.”
			
Delinda 
			Hanley: Well, next, Philip Weiss is an American journalist who is 
			the founder and co-editor with Adam Horowitz of Mondoweiss, the 
			widely read news website devoted to covering American foreign policy 
			in the Middle East, chiefly from a progressive Jewish perspective. 
			Phil began his career in mainstream journalism, writing for The 
			New York Times Magazine, Harper’s, Esquire 
			and the New York Observer. In 2006, while at the 
			Observer, he began writing a daily blog called Mondoweiss.
			
			As he began to explore more deeply the relationship between American 
			Jews and Israel, however, the Observer became increasingly 
			uncomfortable. So in 2007 Phil established Mondoweiss as an 
			independent blog, and today it is a valuable source of news and 
			opinion from a variety of authors. We are so very glad to have Phil 
			here with us today to share his observations on The New York 
			Times in the coverage of Israel over the years. Please join me 
			in welcoming Philip Weiss.
			
			Philip Weiss: Thank you very much. Thanks, Delinda. I just have to 
			say that Rula’s invocation of the Vietnam War and what journalists 
			did around the Vietnam War was very important to me, too, as a young 
			journalist. I remember that I was at the Philadelphia Daily News 
			30 years, 35 years ago, and the guy at the next desk had read 
			Harrison Salisbury’s book about the Pentagon Papers, and that was 
			when The New York Times took on the government. The 
			government tried to shut down The New York Times’ publication of 
			this vital document that explained the history of the Vietnam War, 
			and The Times stood up to the government and it helped to 
			bring—it took a while, but it was very important in bringing an end 
			to the American participation in that disaster.
			
			My friend at the next desk said, let’s write to Harrison Salisbury, 
			you know, we’re never going to get a story like that. So we wrote 
			this letter and we said, “Dear Mr. Salisbury: How do you plan your 
			career”—we were just young ambitious journalists—“how do you plan 
			your career so that you can get ready to take on the government and 
			have a big story like that?” And what I remember about his letter is 
			that he said—just hang in there, learn to be a good journalist, work 
			hard and someday you will get your big story.
			
			The thing I find really moving about that now is that, in fact, we 
			did get that big story. We got it in the shape of the Iraq war and 
			just what American foreign policy has been in the last 10 years, and
			The New York Times has been AWOL on that one. I think I may 
			have said this the last time—that gives tremendous power to our 
			community, if you think about how much information the people in 
			this community are developing in the way that journalists are 
			supposed to develop, traditionally have developed, information 
			that’s vital.
			
			Even this fact that both Rula and Colonel Wilkerson said earlier, 
			about the extent to which the aid package to Egypt is essentially a 
			bribe to keep them or to hold them—this is a central fact of our 
			foreign policy that just you won’t find stated, and that is on par 
			with anything that was in the Pentagon Papers in terms of a vital 
			understanding.
			
			So I’m here to talk about The New York Times chiefly 
			because The Times sort of sets the parameters and the tone 
			for the mainstream discussion. I did once do some work at The 
			Times, I worked as a staffer at The Times Magazine, 
			and I thought I would just anatomize The Times a little and 
			then move on to the whys of it—why is The Times sort of in 
			the tank for Israel?
			
			So the newspaper’s been a reliable Israel supporter for a long time 
			now, and we keep looking for signs of a thaw. I’m going to be 
			hopeful, but let me first describe the character of that support. As 
			I go through my remarks, I’ll be using the term Zionism. I think 
			that Zionism is embedded; it’s a very important force at The New 
			York Times. What I mean by that is some degree of commitment to 
			the idea of the need for a Jewish state and the need to preserve a 
			Jewish state in Israel.
			
			So The Times has at least three columnists who are openly Zionist. 
			Those are David Brooks, who has said that he gets gooey eyed about 
			Israel when he thinks about Israel, and he has been there a dozen 
			times. That was a couple of years ago, I think he’s been there more 
			since. Roger Cohen, who says that Israel is justified by the 
			Holocaust, but he can also be somewhat critical of the occupation. 
			He is openly a Zionist, which I think is a very good thing, in as 
			much as he’s frank about his adherence to the ideology. And then 
			there’s Paul Krugman, who is a liberal Zionist who says he’s 
			critical of Israel but never expresses it. He says it as little as 
			possible. You would think that winning a Nobel Prize and having a 
			Times column would give you freedom, but Krugman surely demonstrates 
			Tolstoy’s principle that the higher you get, the less freedom you 
			have.
			
			I’m leaving that other stratosphere of columnist, Tom Friedman, out 
			of this list because, while Friedman began his career as an Israel 
			supporter back in the suburbs of Minneapolis doing chalk-talks on 
			the Six-Day War at his high school, I think that one of the 
			principles of this conference is that people can change. I sense 
			that Friedman has fallen away from the ideology in as much as he has 
			said, for instance, that Congress is bought and paid for by the 
			Israel lobby—which is a statement that, if a non-Jew made it, would 
			brand them as an anti-Semite. I think the standard is not being nice 
			enough about Israel.
			
			He has also said recently that the two-state solution is a failure 
			and that that failure was produced by, among others, Netanyahu and 
			Sheldon Adelson and the right-wing Jewish influence, openly speaking 
			of right-wing Jewish influence. That was a very important column and 
			I will return to it, because I think it’s the heart of what I always 
			understood journalism to be. Not quite the heart, because I always 
			understood journalism to be what’s new, true and important. And it’s 
			true and it’s important, it’s just not new what Friedman was telling 
			us.
			
			So I think you may know that David Brooks’ son served in the Israeli 
			military and he’s one of four Times reporters who have had children 
			who served in the Israeli military. The most celebrated example of 
			this was Ethan Bronner, who was the previous Jerusalem bureau chief. 
			His son entered while he was writing for The Times and it was 
			shortly after Cast Lead, when Israel slaughtered 1,400 Palestinians 
			in Gaza. It caused Palestinian activists in a truly masterful act of 
			branding to paint The New York Times logo on the apartheid 
			wall. I don’t know if you saw images of this, but it was just kind 
			of wonderful.
			
			Bronner introduced a guessing game into journalism about unspoken 
			ideological agendas. This was, is he or is he not a Zionist? I think 
			that I participated in this guessing game. A lot of journalists in 
			the blogosphere did. When he left the newspaper ultimately in the 
			last year or so, he left less and less doubt about this question, 
			and resolved it entirely when he hosted right-wing Israeli military 
			figures at the 92nd Street Y in New York on a program that was about 
			the “incredible courage of Israeli soldiers.”
			
			So we started the same guessing game when Ethan Bronner’s successor, 
			Jodi Rudoren, took over after him in Jerusalem. I remember that I 
			was a little bit more credulous than others—I’m not proud of 
			this—and I sort of thought, oh, she’s going to be fair. But what we 
			found was that she wrote totally out of the Israeli Jewish 
			experience. That was really the community that she’s openly admitted 
			that she related to more, but she made little effort to get outside 
			that comfort zone. So there were long pieces about young Israelis 
			getting tattoos when their grandparents had had Auschwitz tattoos.
			
			There was an episode where she went to Gaza in 2012 and on Facebook 
			said that Palestinians were ho-hum about the death of family 
			members. She went to a funeral in Gaza and observed that 
			Palestinians were, quote, ho-hum about the death of family members. 
			It was a shocking incident and it was something she had to apologize 
			for, but it wasn’t a prejudice that she seemed to want to shed or to 
			get out of. Recently she gave some podcasts where she said that she 
			spoke one word of Arabic. Actually, I’m sure she speaks more Arabic, 
			in that there are a lot of Arabic words in our language—alcohol and 
			algebra to begin with [laughter]—but it’s a reflection of her 
			deepening incuriosity about the Palestinian experience. It’s kind of 
			White Citizens Council journalism that you see in The Times 
			a lot, and that she exhibited.
			
			So I remember, because she was more adept at this guessing game 
			about her commitment to Israel as a Jewish state, she said, the only 
			ist I am is a journalist, when she was asked about this question. 
			I’m not a Zionist. The only ist I am is a journalist. I remember 
			that I once wrote that she comes out of a Zionist background. She 
			was upset about even that, being identified even in that fashion, 
			and said, well, why would you say that? I said, well, you’ve said to 
			Jewish groups when you’ve spoken to them that you are familiar with 
			the American Jewish experience, and the American Jewish concern for 
			Israel, and you came to Israel when you were in high school with 
			United Synagogue Youth. You know, that’s a Zionist background. And 
			she said, you know, I went to Lake Winnipesaukee too. [Laughter]
			
			So it was one of the most disingenuous deflections I’ve ever 
			experienced, because those trips by United Synagogue Youth and other 
			Jewish organizations were highly ideological in character. They 
			weren’t like vacations in the White Mountains. It was a measure of 
			how obtuse she could be that she would make that kind of statement.
			
			In my one meeting with Rudoren, I told her that her great challenge 
			was to tell Americans that—this was four years ago—that the 
			two-state solution is over. And that if you just go to the West 
			Bank, you’d see that it’s over. They won’t be able to make a viable 
			Palestinian state there. Those people don’t want to leave. 
			
			Just a little bit of an ad, some of the journalism I’ve done myself 
			lately about the West Bank, which we have out in the adjoining room.
			
			I said that she had to explain this in a lead [to an article]. This 
			was a vital function of a journalist, to bring this news, and she 
			never did that. It’s not just that I made this challenge. You’ll 
			notice recently that John Kerry and Dan Shapiro from the State 
			Department, they both said we’re approaching this one-state reality. 
			Well, they’ve gotten no support from the leading American newspaper 
			to explain what that one-state reality is.
			
			So The Times has sort of abandoned this kind of vital 
			journalistic function of telling people what’s going on in this kind 
			of most important American relationship that exists. I think that 
			that, again, is one of the great things about this Tom Friedman 
			column, was he said the Israelis don’t want to leave. They’ve been 
			supported in the West Bank. They’ve been supported by right-wing 
			American Jews. It’s going to be an unending civil war, with greater 
			and greater isolation of Israel on the world stage. All true—and 
			this has been true for the last five, eight years, I think, at 
			least, and yet now a Times columnist and secretary of state 
			are the people who are bringing this information.
			
			So in the time I have left—and, by the way, I think that there’s 
			something very cruel about maintaining the illusion about the 
			two-state solution, because it’s saying that, oh, these horrible 
			conditions, they’re just temporary. These people, five million 
			people under some form of apartheid or ghettoization in Gaza, in a 
			prison, we’re going to take care of that soon. So it’s prevaricating 
			about tremendous human rights atrocities all the time. It’s White 
			Citizens Council journalism. 
			
			If you think about the great Jewish seer Rabbi Hillel, who said if 
			not now, when—this is a situation which demands if not now, when? 
			And the position of The Times is kind of, whenever. The 
			position of these people who preserve the illusion of the two-state 
			solution is kind of whenever with respect to a tremendous amount of 
			suffering, as Susie so beautifully showed us.
			
			So I brought in the Jewish piece, the parochial Jewish piece. I’m 
			one of the American Jews who is in the conference today, and in my 
			parochial capacity I would just have to acknowledge that Zionism 
			comes out of the Jewish community. It was an answer to Jewish 
			persecution in Europe and was embraced by the world—or the Western 
			world, the colonial world—as a solution of the Jewish question of 
			Europe. It won Jews to its side through the ’40s, ’50s and ’60s. And 
			now, what we’re seeing because of the unending 50-year occupation, 
			we’re seeing even inside the Jewish communities some questioning of 
			this ideology.
			
			I think that if Bernie Sanders says there is a war for the soul of 
			Islam and America has to help Islam in that respect, there’s also a 
			war for the soul of Judaism right now. Whether this is a religious 
			conflict or not, I’m not getting into that. But to the degree that 
			the American Jewish community, including large parts of The New 
			York Times itself, where Jews of my generation are working in 
			great number—to the extent that the American Jewish community 
			embraced this ideology and married this ideology and saw it as a 
			deliverance ideology, that’s something that is now beginning to come 
			undone among younger Jews.
			
			So I would remind you, if you don’t know it, that there was a time 
			when The New York Times was anti-Zionist, when it did not 
			see Zionism as the answer. It said, our homeland is here, we don’t 
			want our patriotism undermined by the creation of a Jewish state, 
			and we’re going to oppose it. We’re not going to send Jewish 
			reporters over to Jerusalem because of their loyalty. We don’t want 
			to place them in a position where there’s any question about where 
			our loyalty lies.
			
			So that era passed in the 1960s. The Times ultimately 
			became an organization where many Zionist Jews work. I think that 
			there are no anti-Zionists openly at The Times, but that 
			will come. It’s bound to because of the changes, not just in the 
			Jewish community, but throughout the American community, which is I 
			think what we’ve witnessed at this conference. I think the great 
			thing about this conference is that it has brought together so many 
			diverse perspectives—American interest, Israelis, left-wing, 
			Palestinian solidarity people, and anti-Zionist Jews as well. I 
			think that, again, just to return to what I said at the beginning, 
			this gives our community tremendous power from the storytelling 
			journalistic perspective. We are the ones who are developing this 
			information, who are working through these extremely difficult 
			questions of anti-Semitism, anti-Zionism, separating those. We’re 
			developing experience about talking about these things and that will 
			also make us information leaders. Thank you very much.
			
			Delinda Hanley: Thank you. I really recommend everyone starting off 
			their day with reading all the columns on Mondoweiss. Thank you very 
			much for your work.
			
		


